| Hint | Answer | % Correct |
|---|---|---|
| Fearing that this ultra-radical faction of the Cultural Revolution was attempting a coup to seize power, the new leader conspired with military leader and Marshal, Ye Jianying, Li Xiannian, who was in charge of economic policy during the Cultural Revolution, and Wang Dongxing, who was a powerful beneficiary of the Cultural Revolution, which led to first the arrests of Yao Wenyuan, Zhang Chunqiao, and Wang Hongwen after calling them to a meeting about the publication of the fifth volume of Mao's selected works and later Jiang Qing at her house. In addition Mao's nephew, Yuanxin was arrested as well as other people who deemed as overly leftist | {Gang} of Four | 100%
|
| His economic plan also called for major investments in these type of industries at the expense of the production of consumer goods. In addition to the increasingly short supply of materials and capital goods, the new leader began to import heavily from the West and Japan for factories, further increasing the amount of money needed for the new plan | {Heavy} Industry | 67%
|
| With the leftists out the way, the leader introduced this new economic plan to rejuvenate China's economy. The plan wanted to produce rapid economic growth through multiple massive construction projects, which ran counter to China's current economic capabilities | Ten-{Year} Plan | 67%
|
| The leader also pushed to adopt economic policy proposed by the late Zhou Enlai, which entailed improving China's Agricultural, Industrial, Defense, and Technological sectors | The Four {Modernizations} | 67%
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| To professionalize the army and to decrease the costs of manpower, Deng gave a mass demobilization order in the PLA, as a result, around 25 percent of the entire army or this amount of people were successfully demobilized, with the funds saved as a result being used to advance military technology. In addition, the number of military regions was reduced to seven from the original eleven | {1} Million | 33%
|
| Although most of the problems concerning Hua and Deng were resolved at the Central Party Work Conference from November 10th to December 15th, 1978. Deng's efforts to undermine Hua were formalized at this famous meeting of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, which reiterated Deng's polices over Hua, promoted previously purged officials to prominent positions, and reversed some of verdicts from the Cultural Revolution | {3rd} Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party | 33%
|
| In 1986, encouraged by a letter from prominent Chinese scientists, Deng promoted an increase in spending towards research and development projects such as ones in aerospace technology, advanced computing, and biotechnology. This led to the birth of this program, which invested billions of Renminbi to fund technological initiatives in China | {863} Program | 33%
|
| Wang Ruoshui's article gained some popularity in academic circles, which caused Zhou Yang in 1983 to give a speech saying that as a result of oppressiveness of Mao's rule, this concept, in which the people have become disillusioned and separated from society can be prevalent in China on a political and economic level. However, conservatives criticized this as they thought that this could only happen under Capitalistic societies and not Socialist ones | Alienation | 33%
|
| Following Hu's ouster, conservatives launched this campaign to purge more liberal elements of the government. Differing from the previous political backlashes, the campaign was not to be implemented on a mass scale and it was intended only to punish a few intellectuals and government members such as intellectuals Wang Ruowang and ministers Zhu Houze and Ruan Chongwu | {Anti-Liberalization} Campaign | 33%
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| The above proposed this economic theory, using the metaphor of a bird and a cage where the bird represents the market economy and the cage represents the state. The state would still assume the dominant role in managing the economy by restricting the economy if it would threaten the state's role. However, these restrictions would still allow the economy to experiment with free-market and un-Socialist principles | {Birdcage} Economy | 33%
|
| To further undermine Hua, Yu and Kang's position was weakened when an oil rig at this location collapsed. Leaders opposed to Hua blamed its collapse at the current economic policies such as importing new technology but not having the necessary experience to operate it efficiently. This caused both Yu and Kang to eventually lose their influential positions guiding China's Oil Industry and China's economy | Bohai Gulf | 33%
|
| In September 1986, a meeting of the Central Committee was held to discuss a document on ideological matters. Prior to the meeting, Deng made it clear that he wanted a statement to be included on opposing this concept, which was a label used for Western political or cultural concepts that opposed Deng's four principles and Party supremacy. However, at the meeting, Hu Yaobang encouraged a debate over whether it should be included or not after Elder Lu Dingyi vehemently opposed its inclusion. This angered Deng as he thought that his reminders would encourage the Central Committee to include it unanimously | Bourgeois {Liberalization} | 33%
|
| These two concepts, which were not well understood by Party elders such as Wang Zhen and even Deng, were heavily criticized by ideologues such as Deng Liqun, even though he originally positively acknowledged the debate. Later in 1983, the conservatives managed to convince Deng to order a campaign to stop the spread of this concept, which involved anything that could contaminate Socialist thinking and upholding Deng's four principles. However, as the campaign began to gain traction it was halted quickly as liberals convinced Deng that the campaign could halt progress in economic reform | Campaign Against Spiritual {Pollution} | 33%
|
| During the 1980s, the top leadership was still led by many first-generational Party veterans or people who were in office sometime during 1949-1976 and participated in the Chinese Civil War. Therefore, one of Deng's top priorities was to get these members to retire from office in order to allow younger members to take up more senior posts. To placate the elders, Deng created this organization, which allowed elders to still give advice on Party work, but they would not hold any influential positions | Central Advisory Commission | 33%
|
| In 1981, this document was drafted which dealt with the legacy of Mao Zedong and the history of the Party up until 1976. Because of the controversial nature of Mao's rule, the document went through several drafts before it was adopted because it was criticized as being too lenient or harsh towards Mao. It also refrained from criticizing Hua or the PLA due to backlash from supporters. In the end, the final version delivered the famous verdict that Mao was correct 70% of the time and wrong 30% of the time, and that the fault of the Cultural Revolution lies mainly with Mao | Certain Questions in the {History} of Our Party | 33%
|
| Deng also singled out these three other members of the Central Committee who as part of a "Little Gang of Four" along with the above. This group would be removed from all of their prominent positions around 1980 along with vice-premier Chen Yonggui, due to being a beneficiary of the Cultural Revolution and a key supporter of Hua. Name one of the other three members | Chen Xilian | Ji Dengkui | Wu De | 33%
|
| Although originally a proponent of reform and opening in the economy, as soon as the reforms began to go beyond the tenets of centralized planning that were used in China's First FIve Year Plan, this influential elder began to oppose economic reform. Until 1957 and during the period 1962-1966, he was one of the key economic planners of China. After the Cultural Revolution, he returned to key organs in the government, assuming the role of Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection in 1978. Even after his retirement, he used his considerable influence in the Party to oppose Deng's reforms, making him the second most powerful person in the Party after Deng | Chen Yun | 33%
|
| However, in 1977, Hua approved a plan to establish this university in Beijing. Originally part of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, the new university would focus specifically on economics, philosophy, Marxism-Leninism, and other humanities as it was deemed by the leadership to be necessary to reform | Chinese Academy of {Social} Sciences | 33%
|
| In December of 1984, the fourth congress of this association occurred. During it Hu Yaobang criticized the excesses of the above campaign, Hu Qili called for greater creative freedoms in Culture, and other participants called for leadership elections for the association to be done independently without interference by the Publicity Department or the Communist Party. This congress's more liberal stance outraged conservatives, accusing Yaobang of Bourgeois Liberalization | Chinese {Writers} Association | 33%
|
| Deng also encouraged military factories to engage in this kind of production, which would produce products for the average consumer instead of just producing goods for the defense industry. This strayed from the original Soviet model that the PLA followed which forced the defense industry to only be involved in military production. As a result of Deng's policies, by 1992, around 80% of products in military factories were for consumer use as opposed to 8% in 1978. This would also increase the levels of corruption within military factories as there would be an officers would increasingly collude with businessmen for more profit | {Civilian} Production | 33%
|
| In 1982, the government promulgated a new version of this document, promising to strengthen the National People's Congress, introduce a two-term limit of 10 years maximum for government positions, and in addition to promising citizens more individual rights. However to balance this, Deng's four principles were written into it and established limits on citizens rights | Constitution | 33%
|
| The First Vice Premier began to promote science and technology as leading concepts that would guide reform. As a result he called for the rehabilitation of thousands of scientists, intellectuals, and other Party members during this decade long event. This would challenge Hua's dictum to unswervingly uphold Mao's political line | Cultural Revolution | 33%
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| In 1982, Director of the Publicity Department, Wang Renzhong in response to the anti-corruption campaign called economic crimes and the capitalistic influences of the West as manifestations of class struggle and urged to Party to fight them resolutely. Later that year, Deng removed Wang, however, to placate the elders, he installed this man as the new director, who was well liked by conservatives and was considered by some to be even more conservative than Wang. He would go on to be one of the leading critics of reform and would assist conservatives such as Wang Zhen and Li Xiannian in expressing their hostility to reform | Deng Liqun | 33%
|
| However, this man, who was First Vice Premier before being stripped of his position in 1976 by radical elements in the Politburo backed by Mao, was still in political limbo. This caused members of the Party including the influential Chen Yun and generals such as Xu Shiyou and Wei Guoqing to push for his re-instatement to his government positions. | Deng Xiaoping | 33%
|
| In 1985, this system was ratified which after fulfilling state mandated quotas on goods and selling these goods at prices defined by the government, producers could sell excess goods at Market values without having to follow orders from the government | {Duel}-Track System | 33%
|
| As Director of the Communist Party's Research Office of Rural Reform and Director of the State Council Center for Development Studies from 1983-1989, this Party elder was hailed as the "Father of Rural Reform" due to his role in pushing for the adoption of new methods to improve rural development such as the above | Du Runsheng | 33%
|
| This law was passed in 1988 which limited the role of the state in managing SOEs. Some of the provisions included allowing factory managers to run their businesses without interference from the state, making managers the legal representative of the business instead of the government, and separating the ownership of the SOE by the state and the right of the SOE to be managed by a manager. This law also permitted private businesses to exist without being forced to dissolve by the government | {Enterprise} Reform Law | 33%
|
| This astrophysicist and vice president of the University of Science and Technology of China spread liberal ideas through his lectures throughout China's universities. Upset by the slow pace of political reforms and inspired by his speeches, students took to the streets to demonstrate in December 1986. About a month later, the protests began to lose momentum due to the cold weather and lack of any serious response by the government | Fang Lizhi | 33%
|
| Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, Deng often used this phrase, which meant that cadres for higher leadership positions should be selected from diverse backgrounds and that factionalism should be avoided in deciding these appointments. By Deng's death in 1997, this concept would be avoided and Jiang Zemin cultivated his Shanghai faction and Hu Jintao promoted cadres from his Tuanpai of Youth League faction | Five {Lakes} and Four Seas | 33%
|
| In addition, Deng was impressed by these four small regions that achieved rapid economic growth quickly. Excluding Hong Kong, the three other countries were noted by Deng for also having more authoritarian type governments, which he though could be emulated in China. At the time Singapore was under the leadership of Lee Kuan-yew, South Korea under the repressive Park Chung-Hee and Chun Doo-Hwan and Taiwan was under Jiang Jingguo, who although an authoritarian-like leader, was gradually liberalizing Taiwan's political climate | Four Asian {Tigers} | 33%
|
| Under pressure from conservatives and with his belief that Communist Party rule is paramount over all else, Deng cracked on the movement, first by moving the posters to another part of Beijing before banning them all together in December of 1979. The author of "fifth modernization" poster along with some other influential activists were then detained by the authorities. Deng later in a speech formulated these four principles which limited any political debate that would undermine Party rule | Four {Cardinal} Principles | 33%
|
| Alongside Party Secretary of Guangdong, Xi Zhongxun, this Party elder was pivotal in proposing the idea of SEZs to Deng. In his capacity of Vice Premier from 1975-1982 and later as a member of the State Council until 1988, he was largely responsible for implementing the SEZs and other economic reforms proposed by Deng | Gu Mu | 33%
|
| Originally acquired during the First Opium War, Britain was given an additional 99 year lease for this colony in 1898 by the Qing government. Negotiating with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, Deng was able to reacquire this Chinese territory from Britain after the lease expired in 1997 | Hong Kong | 33%
|
| Previously, China's agricultural sector was placed in the People's Commune System which was championed by Mao. Due to the inefficiencies prevalent in the system, which were emphasized during the Great Leap Forward, one of the major reforms during the decade was dismantling the commune system and transitioning it to this system, which contracted work to individual farm units consisting of families. In practice this allowed families to grow and manage their own farms instead of having to work on state-owned properties | {Household} Responsibility System | 33%
|
| On September 9th, 1976, Mao Zedong died, before his death, with Zhou Enlai's death in January, with Deng purged since April and unimpressed with the incompetence of Wang Hongwen, Mao had to decide on a new successor. Not wanting a radical or pragmatist to assume power after his death as he wanted the ideas of the Cultural Revolution to continue, but also wanted to continue with a more stable government, Mao chose this obscure figure and political lightweight from Hunan to become his next successor. He supposedly gave him his blessing by saying "With you in Charge, I am at ease." | Hua Guofeng | 33%
|
| Early in the decade, an academic debate occurred which revolved around the degree that two foreign theoretical concepts could be applied to China. This concept tried to elaborate on Socialist societies through an individualistic lens as opposed to a collectivist one. For example, deputy editor-in-chief of the People's Daily, Wang Ruoshui elaborated on this in an article by using the excesses of the Cultural Revolution to explain how it can improve society | Humanism | 33%
|
| This man was one of the principal drafters of the above document. In Yan'an he worked as a secretary to Mao and specialized in Party history. During the 1980s until his death in 1992, he remained a strong believer of Party orthodoxy and defender of Party supremacy within the government, making him often side with conservatives in ideological disputes. However, despite his more conservative tendencies, he was sometimes accused by conservatives such as Li Xiannian and Bo Yibo for not being conservative enough | Hu Qiaomu | 33%
|
| In 1981, this reform-minded politician was appointed as Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, replacing Hua. Later after the position of Chairman was abolished a year later, he assumed the role as General Secretary until his dismissal in 1987. Using his position, he championed Deng's reforms, fighting back against conservatives in political debates | Hu Yaobang | 33%
|
| Throughout the decade, as Deng and Hu Yaobang pushed for higher economic growth targets, this would cause the economy to occasionally overheat, resulting in this phenomenon in which price levels would increase at a rapid pace. This was reflective of the instability of the economy during the decade, making it a contributing factor to the popular discontent that culminated in the Tiananmen Square protests | Inflation | 33%
|
| As State Owned Enterprises were being reformed, this term, which referred to job security and welfare benefits within the SOEs began to be dismantled in order for businesses to make more of a profit. This caused many people to lose their jobs or other benefits such as healthcare, housing, or daycare options for children. In the 1990s, extensive reforms to SOEs would make this term inapplicable to many Chinese enterprises | Iron {Rice} Bowl | 33%
|
| Deng also visited this island country and neighbor of China. Since this country was able to achieve rapid economic growth during the Meiji Period (1868-1912) and following the Second World War, Deng wanted China to learn from the achievements of this country such that it can be replicated in China. During his visit, he met with Prime Minister Fukuda Takeo and negotiated a delegation of senior Chinese economic officials to tour the country | Japan | 33%
|
| In 1980, in order to further undermine Hua and humiliate the radicals of the Cultural Revolution, the trial of the Gang of Four alongside Chen Boda and Lin Biao's Four Guardian Warriors, Qiu Huizuo, Li Zuopeng, Huang Yongsheng, and Wu Faxian was televised publically. For the Gang, Wang Hongwen and Yao Wenyuan were given lengthy prison sentences and Zhang Chunqiao was given the death sentence which was later commuted to time in prison. This person, who was the ringleader of the Gang and the wife of Mao Zedong was also given the death sentence. After it was commuted to a prison term, she later committed suicide in 1991, two days before the start of the Cultural Revolution | Jiang Qing | 33%
|
| Until his death in 1983, this Party elder and son of Liao Zhongkai assisted Deng and foreign ministers Huang Hua and Wu Xueqian in foreign affairs by negotiating with foreign leaders or implementing Deng's vision of Reform and Opening | Liao Chengzhi | 33%
|
| This general, who during the Cultural Revolution, was catapulted to the Politburo Standing Committee in 1973 until being forced to retire in 1975, to act as a counterbalance to any remnants of Lin Biao's military faction, actively attempted to resist any reforms in the military. In 1983, serious cases of corruption involving men under his command was exposed as well as rumors circulating that he may use force if necessary to oppose reform. However, he retired in 1985 alongside military leaders Song Renqiong, Nie Rongzhen and Xu Xiangqian and was offered the post of Political Commissioner of the PLA National Defense University as compensation | Li Desheng | 33%
|
| Contrasting the more liberal-minded General Secretary was the new premier. Appointed with the backing of Chen Yun and the conservative Deng Yingchao, who acted as an adopted mother to him, this new premier championed Chen's economic ideas such as acting more cautiously to attain economic growth and for implementing a more planned economy akin to China under its First Five Year Plan | Li Peng | 33%
|
| In 1982, this admiral was appointed as the Commander of the PLA Navy, beginning a campaign to modernize it, which focussed on the production of aircraft carriers. In 1989, he would be promoted as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission and later to the Politburo Standing Committee. Until 1997, alongside Zhang Zhen, he would become a key opponent to Jiang Zemin in the military after sidelining Yang Shangkun's "Family Army" faction | Liu Huaqing | 33%
|
| This Party Elder, also acted as a powerful, conservative voice against economic reform until his death in 1992. During the Cultural Revolution, he was put in charge of managing the economy and under Hua, was the key economic planner. After Deng pushed Hua aside and started his economic reform program, he believed that Deng was trying to marginalize his contributions to the Chinese economy as Deng was undoing much of the economic polices from 1966-1978. In 1983, he was appointed China's head of state after the post of State President was revived. He would later retire to head the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference from 1988 to 1992 | Li Xiannian | 33%
|
| In 1985, Hu Yaobang accepted an interview with this Hong Kong based journalist. This interview angered Deng as he believed that Hu was attempting to make himself look like the new leader of China by hinting that Deng would be retiring soon. This led to rumors developing that Hu intended to usurp power from Deng. As Hu was already extremely unpopular amongst many influential elders, by upsetting Deng, Hu lost the confidence of the one man who prevented him from being purged as General Secretary | Lu Keng | 33%
|
| In 1987, Portugal agreed to return this colony back to China, which it had acquired in 1557 from the Ming dynasty in a lease. Deng's system would also be applied to this former colony when it was returned in 1999 | Macao | 33%
|
| He also elaborated on this political concept which detailed a more liberal approach to economic matters combined with a centralized and less democratic government. This did not mean that there would be no political reforms. The General Secretary called for reforms such as the separation of Party and State, delegating more authority to lower levels, and strengthening the legal system | Neo-{Authoritarianism} | 33%
|
| In 1979, over fears that China would be overpopulated in the future, this policy was passed by the leadership. In 2015, it was abolished due to the increasingly declining birthrates in China, but not before it became controversial abroad due to the ways it was enforced by the Party and the effects of the policy | One {Child} Policy | 33%
|
| This governing system was proposed in order to alleviate any uncertainty that the citizens of the colony would have after reunification with China. It involved allowing the colony to maintain its economic and administrative systems, but it would not be recognized as an independent country | One Country, Two {Systems} | 33%
|
| 1987 also saw the passing of this law which allowed the experimentation of direct elections of members of these types of committees, which were the lowest level of the government and responsible for managing rural affairs.This was a continuation in a sense of the 1979 electoral reforms which promised to elect deputies in local People's Congresses in popular elections. However, the 1979 reforms failed to be implemented properly in practice. In 1998, this organic law was made permanent | Organic Law on {Village} Committee | 33%
|
| With the Dalai Lama still in exile in India, United Front work was directed to improve relations with this religious figure, who is the second most important figure in Tibetan Buddhism. This figure held high positions in the government such as being a Vice Chairman of both the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference during 1979-1983 and of the National People's Congress until his death in 1989. Having died unexpectedly at the age of 50, some suspected he was murdered under the orders of Hu Jintao, who was the Party Secretary of the region. However, he also suffered from numerous health problems such as obesity | {Panchen} Lama | 33%
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| Using the protests as an excuse, conservatives stuck back against the liberal Hu Yaobang. Convinced that Hu had to go, Deng ordered this type of meeting to be chaired, where Hu would be removed from his position and ordered to undergo a self-criticism. During the meeting, it was reported that elder Xi Zhongxun was one of the only people to offer any kind defense for Hu, although his defense has been exaggerated by some sources to a degree | Party "{Life}" Meeting | 33%
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| From the Security Regiments of the PLA, several thousands were given new jobs in this paramilitary organization, which handles internal security problems and is still responsible to the Central Military Commission. Under Jiang Zemin's tenure as Paramount Leader, this force would be significantly expanded to act as a power base for Jiang and to act as a counterweight to the military | People's Armed {Police} | 33%
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| This military doctrine, which emphasized Guerrilla Warfare and strategies that were successful during the Chinese Civil War, which nominally ended in 1949 was altered as it was outdated relative to the military developments during the Cold War and for fighting a modern war | {People}'s Warfare | 33%
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| The new leader also tried to gain the support of this influential clique consisting of vice premier and PLA general Yu Qiuli and vice premier Kang Shi'en. Both men managed to survive the Cultural Revolution and their clique along with veteran Party member Li Xiannian managed to become powerful forces in guiding China's economy at the end of Mao's death | {Petroleum} Clique | 33%
|
| To further shift away from Hua's political line, under the direction of the recently rehabilitated Hu Yaobang, a paper in Theoretical Trends, a Party journal, was published, emphasizing that it was not political doctrine that dictated whether a policy was correct, but it was the results of the current policy and the experiences of related previous policies | "{Practice} is the Sole Criterion for Testing Truth" | 33%
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| In 1988, Deng decided to remove these thinking that it would alleviate corruption and benefit the economy in the long term. This led to rumors of huge price hikes causing the public to begin a campaign of panic buying, causing mass inflation. This weakened the prestige of the economic reformers such as Zhao Ziyang, beginning a period where conservatives would held the upper hand in economic affairs with premier Li Peng and Vice Premier Yao Yilin controlling China's economy with Chen Yun's principles until the 14th National Congress in 1992 | {Price} Controls | 33%
|
| Despite the conservative triumphs prior to the Congress, the new general secretary delivered a speech stating that China was in this stage of Socialism, which was used to justify China's economic reform by saying that only by embracing economic practices of the West can China move towards a more Socialist country | {Primary} Stage of Socialism | 33%
|
| From 1984 to 1985, another anti-corruption drive was launched. Unlike the first one, this one also targeted the activities of this group of people, who were the children of Party members. Even though investigations were launched against some of them including the children of Wang Zhen and Peng Zhen, key decision makers during the 1980s, the campaign failed to discipline the majority of them due to the influence of their parents in the Party. As a result, the daughter of Ye Fei, a former commander of the PLA Navy was the highest ranking member of this group to be given a lengthy punishment | Princelings | 33%
|
| Decentralization efforts also occurred throughout the decade, giving more power to these regional units. This was to give regions more freedom in deciding on economic policies as before they would have to adhere more closely to the directives of the state. By the late 1990s, problems occurred such as increasing regional disparities and the weakening ability of the government to control more powerful regions such as Guangdong | Provinces | 33%
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| The conservative newspaper, Red Flag was closed and replaced by this paper, which was placed under the review of the Central Party School, rather than the publicity department, weakening the abilities of the conservatives to strike back against reform. The research office of the central secretariat, bastion of conservatism under Deng Liqun, was also dissolved | Qiushi | 33%
|
| By 1979, as the economy was becoming increasingly unbalanced as a result of Hua's "Foreign-led" Leap Forward which involved costly imports of Western technology combined with massive projects in heavy industry. To counteract this overspending, with Deng's approval, Chen Yun proposed a two year period of this, which involved decreasing the growth of the economy and cutting back on spending. Chen also proposed this when the economy began to overheat in 1985 and 1988 | Re-{Adjustment} | 33%
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| In 1988, this controversial six-part documentary was broadcast. The documentary detailed China's unwillingness to reform as a result of Chinese traditions such as Confucianism. The documentary praised the efforts of the new General Secretary and called for China to be more open and embrace practices from other nations so that it could reform properly. The documentary became immensely popular among Chinese citizens as this was one of only ways that they could be exposed to the intellectual debates of the 1980s | River Elegy | 33%
|
| Deng's four principles also targeted this genre of literature which reflected on the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution. These books became more popular following Mao's death in 1976 and as leader such as Deng supported the Beijing movement. However with the inauguration of Deng's principles and the following conservative backlash, more Party leaders began to criticize these books on a larger scale | {Scar} Literature | 33%
|
| Critical to implementing any military reform was an army high command loyal to Deng. In addition to Deng loyalist, general and PLA Chief of Staff Yang Dezhi, five of the eleven regional military commanders and half of the six military members of the Central Military Commission were selected from this former army during the Chinese Civil War due to their loyalty to Deng. One of these generals included Minister of Defense and Commander of the Beijing Military Region, Qin Jiwei | {Second} Field Army | 33%
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| But this caused a backlash within the Politburo as key supporters of Hua thought that the article was too liberal and went against Mao Zedong Thought. In response, Deng and other members used this famous quote by Mao in order justify the article's existence and to downplay conservative criticism | "{Seek Truth} From Facts" | 33%
|
| Located near the British owned colony of Hong Kong, this place, which became a city in 1979 was the first to become a SEZ. It later developed into a economic and technological powerhouse within China, as well as becoming one of the busiest container ports in the world | Shenzhen | 33%
|
| Deng coined this term in 1982 to explain that although China was still under Communist rule, it can adopt market economic policies and other elements of capitalism in order boost China's economic growth. It was used to also encourage officials to experiment with different economic methods and to not blindly follow Soviet or other Socialist models | Socialism with {Chinese} Characteristics | 33%
|
| In 1984, this concept was developed which would allow market regulatory policies to be present in China's economy, but there would also be elements of centralized planning. This was mainly to placate economic conservatives who feared that market would regulate China's economy at the expense of the government | Socialist Planned {Commodity} Economy | 33%
|
| By 1982, the anti-corruption campaign arrested around 1.7 million people. Thinking that the campaign achieved its goals and not wanting to undermine the recent economic achievements, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang instead wanted the campaign to steer away from mass arrests for economic crimes and more towards spreading the moralistic and pro-Party values of this type of civilization | {Socialist} Spiritual Civilization | 33%
|
| Relations between China and this Communist superpower began to improve throughout the 1980s. In 1982, Leonid Brezhnev, who was reviled by the Chinese died, after the short premierships of Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, the more liberal Mikhail Gorbachev became the new leader in 1985. After negotiations with Gorbachev, China was able to arrange for him to visit the country in the Spring of 1989 | Soviet Union | 33%
|
| As widespread experimentation with market principles would upset conservative members of the Party who would view such experiments as treasonous to the tenets of Socialism, Deng allowed only a number of areas to act as trials for reform. From 1980-1981, four areas were given this label, which allowed them to adopt market principles to encourage foreign investment. Later three more areas would be given this label such as Hainan island, the Shanghai Pudong district, and the Binhai district of Tianjin | Special {Economic} Zones | 33%
|
| Trying to separate the Party from the government, Deng attempted to create this separate body of the Central Military Commission which would eventually replace the Party organ that controlled the Central Military Commission. However, due to military opposition, this new commission failed to fully replace the Party Commission, resulting in two organizations of the Central Military Commission with near identical leadership | {State} Commission | 33%
|
| As Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, elder Chen Yun championed this type of campaign to crack down on corruption. It was also used by conservative to attack "economic crimes" or aspects of Deng's economic reforms that could be considered anti-socialist | {Strike Hard} Campaign | 33%
|
| Another foreign policy goal involved the reunification of China and this small island, which was run as an independent country under the Guomindang. After Jiang Jieshi's death in 1975, the island was ruled by his son. Hoping to entice the younger Jiang to any reunification proposal, Deng stated that he would allow the island to maintain its own army and go by the political formulation describe above. However, this was rejected by Jiang | Taiwan | 33%
|
| In 1984, this new tax system was introduced nationwide, affecting both private and state owned Enterprises. Originally, factories were assigned production targets and a fixed tax value. Now, these factories were allowed to assign their own production targets and were given the responsibility to manage their own profits and losses. After paying taxes to the government, the factories could keep the rest instead of handing it over to the state | Tax For {Profit} System | 33%
|
| Although talks on reunification went nowhere, the relationship between the mainland and the island began to improve slightly, eventually leading to economic and cultural ties being established between the two. One example of cross-cultural exchange between the two would be the popularity of this Taiwanese singer on the mainland. Although her songs were banned in China until the mid 1980s and she was an ardent Nationalist, tapes of her songs were popular on the Black Market as they were a change from the revolutionary songs prevalent in Mao-era China | Teresa Teng | 33%
|
| By this time, many of the high ranking Party veterans who were purged during the Cultural Revolution began to be brought back to official positions in the government. This term, which alludes to eight deities in Chinese mythology was used to describe an informal group of superannuated Party veterans that dominated decision making during the 1980s through to the early 1990s. Some notable members include Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo, and Deng Yingchao | The Eight {Immortals} | 33%
|
| Although he was sidelined, Hua still held the positions of Premier, General Secretary and Chairman of the Central Military Commission at the beginning of 1980. To further undermine any support Hua had, Deng delivered this speech on political reform. In his speech, Deng criticized despotic tendencies of the Party such as the over-centralization of power in one man and lifetime tenure and offered several alternatives that would delegate power in the government to more institutions and people. | The {Gengshen} Speech | 33%
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| When the above country decided to invade Cambodia in 1979, fearing that it was trying to establish a pro-Soviet block in Southeast Asia, Deng ordered an invasion of the country in order to teach it and the Soviet Union a lesson. Although China was able to capture several Vietnamese cities, the war highlighted the extreme shortcomings of the PLA and the need to modernize it | The {Sino-Vietnamese} War | 33%
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| At the same time, the leader espoused this political line which stated "We will resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made, and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave." As Hua was a beneficiary of the Cultural Revolution along with some of his key supporters it was necessary to establish this political line so that his political power would not be challenged | "The Two {Whatevers}" | 33%
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| Meanwhile, within a few months the 13th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party was to be convened. After securing the retirement of several elderly Party leaders, Deng promoted members from this group, who were younger and more experienced in technical matters relating to the economy and science that previous generations were lacking | {Third} Echelon | 33%
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| This idea, popularized in China by American futurologist, Alvin Toffler, was used by more liberal-minded Chinese economists to make China undergo a technological revolution to became a leader in the information age | Third {Wave} | 33%
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| In addition, he, along with other influential Party elders wanted the verdict on this incident, which was currently labeled a counter-revolutionary incident reversed. It was this same event that was used as a pretext to purge Deng and other reform-minded members in the Party and some of Hua's key supporters such as Chairman of the Beijing Revolutionary Committee, Wu De who participated in the suppression of the incident | {Tiananmen} Incident of 1976 | 33%
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| United Front Work also included improving relations with this western region of China. During the early 1980s, negotiations for the return of the Dalai Lama to this region began, but due to the handling of the Tibetan protests from 1987-1989 and the Dalai Lama's intransigence, they failed | Tibet | 33%
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| The abolition of the People's Commune system in 1982, the communes were replaced by these public businesses which were run with more market-oriented principles and were more given more flexibility that State Owned Enterprises. By the early 1990s, many of these organization would be turned into private businesses, leading to a decline in the number of them | {Township} and Village Enterprises | 33%
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| The general secretary, prior to the Congress developed this principle for economic reform which were to uphold Deng's four principles and continue the policies of reform and opening. Although trying to placate conservative fears by including Deng's four principles, conservatives attacked this principle for putting the four principles on the same level as reform and opening as they believed the former was more important | Two {Basic} Points | 33%
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| In the province of Inner Mongolia, which has a high concentration of ethnic Mongols, the above was assisted in dealing with ethnic affairs with this high-ranking Mongolian Party member. Until the Cultural Revolution, this man dominated affairs in the province and was one of the highest ranking ethnic minorities in the Party. After being rehabilitated in 1973, he headed the United Front Work Department from 1977-1982, before being given the position of Vice President under President Li Xiannian until his death in 1988 | Ulanhu | 33%
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| Although Richard Nixon's visit to China in 1972 established relations with China, formal diplomatic relations with this country did not establish until 1979. In early 1979, Deng went on a diplomatic trip to this country where he traveled to Washington D.C, Atlanta, Houston, and Seattle. At the White House, he told President Jimmy Carter about his plans to attack Vietnam, gaining the neutrality of this country | United States | 33%
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| In addition, doing away with the Class Background examination system which was popular during the Cultural Revolution and used to admit students into elite universities based off of how revolutionary they were, This was re-established in universities so that entrance was based off of merit rather than class | University Entrance {Exam} | 33%
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| This screenplay, by PLA veteran Bai Hua was targeted for a lengthy criticism by Deng and the conservatives citing the screenplay as opposing Deng's four principles. The screenplay is about a fictional intellectual who was persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and the screenplay discusses the injustices that he faces. With the help of more liberal minded Party members such as Hu Yaobang and Zhou Yang and with Deng trying to moderate the conservative attack on culture, Bai Hua was allowed to continue writing and keep his Party membership, albeit he had to deliver a self-criticism to satisfy conservatives | {Unrequited} Love | 33%
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| In the late 1970s, after unifying with the South in 1975, this Southeast Asian country began to align itself more with the Soviet Union. In addition to having more repressive policies towards ethnic Chinese and its lack of support for the Chinese backed Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, relations worsened between China and it | Vietnam | 33%
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| To further weaken Hua, this man, a member of the current Politburo Standing Committee and key supporter of Hua was removed from all of his influential positions. Before the Cultural Revolution, he was the commander of Mao's bodyguard unit 8341, and by Mao's death he already served in the influential posts of Director of the General Office and Minister of Public Security. He was then promoted to be one of the Vice-Chairman serving under Hua | Wang Dongxing | 33%
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| One of the leading liberal reformers in the economy, this man was crucial in implementing the Household Contracting System in Anhui province. Alongside Zhao Ziyang, who implemented the system in Sichuan, the two popularized it throughout China. In 1983, he was appointed as Vice Premier, using his position to back more liberal policies. In 1988, he appointed Chairman of the National People's Congress, replacing the conservative Peng Zhen who used the position to oppose reform. In 1989, he was briefly placed under house arrest in Shanghai after a trip abroad so that he could not act as a rallying point for moderates during the Tiananmen Square protest | Wan Li | 33%
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| This general, who served with the above as his Political Commissioner, attempted to a revival of leftism in the military in the early 1980s by urging soldiers to emulate the model "Lei Feng," which was rumored to be a fabrication by Lin Biao. He also called for the army to resist the capitalistic elements of reform. In 1982, he was removed from the Politburo for refusing to retire and for having an article published which implicitly criticized Hu Yaobang | Wei Guoqing | 33%
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| Now with Hua sidelined, the same movement in Beijing began to display more radical posters which called for more political reform to make China more akin to Western countries such as the United States. This man, a former zookeeper put up a famous poster calling for China to embrace the "fifth modernization" of Democracy. | Wei Jingsheng | 33%
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| In addition, Deng capitalized on this nascent movement in Beijing, which involved displaying Big Character Posters criticizing the current leadership's political line as well as their economic policies, to criticize Hua and say that China needs more radical reform akin to Deng's ideas | Xidan {Democracy} Wall | 33%
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| This western region, which is home to the Uyghur minority group was subjected to numerous incidents of unrest, with frequent protests for increased independence and rights for Uyghurs. Complicating United Front work in the region was the influence of Wang Zhen and Deng Liqun, who in the early 1950s directed work in the region. After being replaced in the 1950s in order to bring in more tolerant leadership, the two returned unofficially to vindicate their dismissal and justify their more hardliner position towards governing the region | Xinjiang | 33%
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| Although not the Head of the United Front Work Department, due to his extensive experience prior to his purge in 1962, he guided most policy regarding China's ethnic minority regions until 1989. In addition served on the Secretariat and as a Vice-Chairman of the National People's Congress, where he would often take more moderate stances towards reform. After the Tiananmen Square protests, he played a less active role in the government until his death in 2002. One of his sons, Xi Jinping assumed the role of Paramount Leader in 2012 | Xi Zhongxun | 33%
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| As Commander of the Guangzhou military region, this general was placed in charge the forces invading Vietnam in 1979. However after disastrous defeats, he was replaced by Yang Dezhi. By 1980, he became an opponent of Deng in military as he became increasingly critical of his actions in military affairs. In 1982, he was subsequently retired from all military positions to make way for those more loyal to Deng | Xu Shiyou | 33%
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| As his personal representative in military affairs, Deng appointed this elder as First Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission in 1982. Until being forcibly retired in 1993 by Deng in order to consolidate Jiang Zemin's position in the military, he worked with his half-brother, Yang Baibing to consolidate his control over the military. In 1988, he became China's head of state, replacing Li Xiannian | Yang Shangkun | 33%
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| Appointed as Head of the United Front Work Department in 1985, this man assisted in the implementation of a more tolerant policy towards ethnic minorities and the lesser parties of the Chinese United Front. However after the Tiananmen Square protests, he was removed from his position due to his more liberal tendencies | Yan Mingfu | 33%
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| In addition, the new Politburo Standing Committee appointed the liberal Hu Qili, a Hu Yaobang protege from the Communist Youth League and centrist Qiao Shi, who held positions in security and intelligence apparatuses in the Party. To balance out the Standing Committee, this conservative Chen Yun prodigy was added. Along with the new premier, he managed to implement more conservative economic policies from 1988-1992 and he would be a key hardliner during the Tiananmen Square Protests | Yao Yilin | 33%
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| However, it was decisive intervention of this influential member of the new leadership that eventually pushed Hua to rehabilitate him in 1977 This man, who the most influential member of the PLA at the time as well as being one of the original Ten Marshals, was considered the second most powerful man in the government after Hua. He would later be sidelined from leadership positions after Hua lost his bid for paramount leader and he would die in 1986. | Ye Jianying | 33%
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| After Hu's ouster, Deng needed a new candidate for General Secretary of the Party. Not wanting a conservative such as Deng Liqun or Yao Yilin to take up the post, Deng Xiaoping turned to the Premier who was implementing Deng's economic reforms. Unlike Hu, the Premier was more in line with the Party line and was not known to make controversial political statements | Zhao Ziyang | 33%
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| This started a feud between Deng Liqun and Hu Yaobang over political trends in the country. As a result, Deng attempted to gather support from elders to rally against Hu's conduct and tried to crack down on intellectual dissent as Director of the Publicity Department such as banning Liu Binyan's criticism of the Central Committee. However, thinking Liqun went to far in his attacks on intellectuals and refusing to remove Hu as General Secretary, Deng Xiaoping removed Liqun as Director and appointed this liberal minded Party member and supporter of Hu as the new director, although he would be one of the few liberals in a mainly conservative department | Zhu Houze | 33%
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